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Small jail, less crime

The $286-million fiscal bombshell dropped on Suffolk County

when its consultants re-estimated the cost of building the new jail has led to

a heated public discussion about how to eliminate or lower this cost.

Though this debate should have occurred well before the size and price of

the jail were determined, it makes sense for the county officials who are

negotiating for state permission to scale back the project to propose

alternatives to incarceration. These have the potential to shrink the size and

expense of the jail - with no risk to public safety.

The usual reasons for expanding a jail are overcrowding, population

projections that show the number of inmates exceeding capacity, and

deteriorating physical conditions. All of these exist to different degrees in

Suffolk County.

It may well be that, simply based on physical conditions, some new capacity

is warranted. The question is how much.

The answer requires a rigorous, non-ideological study of who is in jail,

for how long and for what purpose. This is what the National Institute of

Corrections likely will provide when it issues recommendations requested

recently by County Executive Steve Levy and Sheriff Alfred Tisch.

Most inmates in Suffolk jails are awaiting trial. Even decreasing by one or

two days the lengths of stays for thousands of detainees can result in the

need for significantly less jail space. This is also a laudatory goal in terms

of pure justice: People should spend as little time as possible awaiting

sentencing.

Shortening jail stays will require a sustained effort among all the actors

in the criminal justice system. Ending long adjournments between court

appearances, open and early evidentiary discovery and firm trial dates all can

speed the disposition of cases.

It's also a question of who exactly is going to jail. Are there low-level

offenders with low bail who stay for only very short periods before either

making bail or taking a plea? If so, what is the point of this policy? Simply

sending someone to jail for a short period of time is no guarantee of public

safety. Many jail systems have recidivism rates of 50 percent or more in the

first year after people are released. There are other ways to achieve public

safety than by simply building more and more jail cells. To see this clearly,

all Suffolk has to do is look at its neighbor to the west, New York City. In

fiscal 1991, the jail population in the city peaked at almost 21,500. By 2004,

it was down 36 percent to 13,750. And from 1993-2003, the city led the nation

in crime reduction with a 68 percent drop in crime and a 70 percent decrease in

murders.

How do such alternatives to incarceration work? One example is New York

City's Center for Alternative Sentencing and Employment Services, with an

annual budget of $12 million, which provides services and supervision for about

14,000 offenders a year. Some of those are youth who have been arrested for

their first felony. They are given strict supervision in the community,

substance-abuse prevention training, school placement and literacy classes, and

transitional job services. Anyone who doesn't keep up with the requirements is

returned to court and usually sent back to jail.

Studies of New York City's programs have found no increased risk to public

safety with fewer offenders in jail, and less recidivism than occurs after

people are jailed. It's no coincidence that crime in New York City continues to

drop as the jail population drops.

It is difficult to know precisely the extent to which the city's many

alternatives to incarceration have contributed to the decline in jail

population. Other factors include the police focusing more on quality-of-life

offenses, and efforts have also been made to reduce lengths of stay. There is

little doubt, however, that these programs have played a key role.

As for the understandable fears about having more convicted criminals

living in our neighborhoods, one thing is clear: These people are already

there. Remember that as many as half of everyone who gets out of jail returns

within a year or so, and national statistics show that more than half of those

who leave state prisons return within three years.

The lesson for Suffolk is less about exactly how New York City lowered its

jail population and reduced crime, but that it is possible to have fewer people

in jail and increase public safety simultaneously. It is a lesson that should

frame Suffolk's effort to make sure, in an environment of incredibly scarce

resources, that it makes all reasonable efforts to build only what is

absolutely necessary.

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