Assessing Cuomo's first year in office

Pursuing a promise to improve state government, Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo has used a mix of guile, flattery, force and money to shake up Albany, a capital city known for political gridlock and scandal, legislators and analysts said.

Days before Cuomo was elected governor, New Yorkers' confidence in their state government was at an all-time low, with a poll showing that only 14 percent believed New York was headed in the right direction. Now, after one of the most prolific 12-month stretches at the State Capitol, including the historic passage of same-sex marriage and a property-tax cap, those with faith in their government are up to 42 percent in recent polls.

"He's brought a very different approach than any other executive I can think of," said Assemb. Robert Sweeney (D-Lindenhurst), who has been in office since 1988. "He's been very good at knowing when to use the carrot and when to use the stick."

Steve Greenberg, spokesman for the Siena College poll, said "voters, from a how-is-the-state-running perspective, say the picture is better. Nobody agrees with everything the governor and the legislature did this year. But even if they don't like some things, they are saying: You got things done. You made state government work again."

Cuomo isn't shy about claiming victory.

"We had been telling the people of the state: It's going to be different," Cuomo said in an interview in his office on the second floor of the Capitol. "Trust me. It's going to be different. Now, we have credibility. We have momentum . . .

"I think we made much more progress legislatively than I might have expected."

In addition to legalization of same-sex marriage and implementation of a 2-percent annual property-tax cap, his first year in office included: a new ethics law, a partial rollback of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority payroll tax, the first cut in state spending in 15 years, and a rewrite of the tax code to tax the wealthy at a higher rate and cut rates for middle income New Yorkers -- an idea he opposed in the spring, only to reverse himself later as the state deficit grew.

The governor wove coalitions, neutralized opponents -- especially unions -- and alternately wheedled and browbeat legislators to help drive home an agenda that has made him highly popular with the public. Sixty-eight percent of New Yorkers approve of the job he's doing, according to the latest Quinnipiac University survey released last week, while 17 percent disapprove. By region, New York City suburbanites like him best: 76 percent approve, 12 percent disapprove.

His unexpected hurdle, Cuomo said, is filling out his administration. "It's harder than I expected to get people to come into public service," he said, citing the pay and reputation of government service. Insiders have described working conditions for his administration as something of a pressure cooker.

Cuomo, a Democrat who was a top aide to his father, former Gov. Mario Cuomo, said his familiarity with Albany helped prepare him for the intricacies of dealing with state government. But he maintained that his experience as secretary of Housing and Urban Development in President Bill Clinton's administration schooled him in passing legislation.

"The U.S. Congress is at a much higher degree of difficulty than this," Cuomo said. "Passing a piece of federal legislation can be among the most frustrating processes. That was actually a very instructive period of my life in this regard."

How he did it

As New York's chief executive, Cuomo got lawmakers to buy into his agenda, unlike predecessors George Pataki, a Republican, and Democrats Eliot Spitzer and David A. Paterson, lawmakers said.

"Pataki was very partisan, not really looking to work with the legislature. Then, we had the 'Steamroller,' " Sweeney said, referring to Spitzer, who took on the moniker and alienated legislators less than a month into the job. "Then we had David Paterson . . . who didn't seem to have a long-term plan and who was hurt by the economic meltdown."

Cuomo appealed to lawmakers to change Albany's reputation and then shared credit when they acted. He also delivered a few wins for nearly all of the political spectrum. He cut spending, which appealed to the Conservative Party. When black and Hispanic leaders bemoaned the lack of a promised "urban agenda," Cuomo appointed a number of minorities to administrative posts and created a jobs fund for inner-city youth.

"The major difference" in Cuomo's approach, said Senate Majority Leader Dean Skelos (R-Rockville Centre), "is the governor really did put aside partisan politics and he listened. . . . He didn't shut me or my conference down because we were Republicans."

Skelos met with Cuomo before either was sworn in. "We discussed ending the dysfunction of Albany and having on-time budget, not raising taxes, and I felt we would have a good relationship," Skelos said. "In my opinion, the governor's accomplishments are our accomplishments."

Assembly Speaker Sheldon Silver (D-Manhattan) said Cuomo's "very pragmatic" approach was key. Silver, who with 17 years at his post is the most experienced Albany power broker, said Assembly Democrats made it clear they wanted a millionaires' tax and an extension of rent-control laws and would oppose differential tuition for state university campuses -- and the governor recognized what it would take to obtain agreements with them.

"Clearly, he was able to mold what was achievable into his agenda," Silver said. He added that Democrats were predisposed toward Cuomo: "We want to be as supportive as possible of a Democratic governor."

Dealing with dissent

Others said that unlike his predecessors, Cuomo used money and muscle to defuse opposition. He worked closely with a newly formed lobbying entity, the business-backed Committee to Save New York, encouraging them to become involved in the annual state budget fight. The group spent nearly $10 million -- mostly on ads -- to pre-emptively blunt union critics and others on education cuts.

"This created a counterbalance to those groups that in the past dominated the budget discussion," said William Cunningham of Dan Klores Communications, a consulting firm that represented the committee throughout the budget fight.

Cuomo put health care unions and hospital lobbyists on his Medicaid Redesign panel, decreasing the likelihood of their bashing health spending cuts. Later, his administration helped coordinate messaging by a jumble of same-sex marriage advocacy groups, eliminating bickering that hurt their cause during a failed 2009 vote.

"[Cuomo's] team kept everyone together and on task," said Brian Ellner, spokesman for the Human Rights Campaign.

Nonetheless, a few legislators complain that Cuomo has tried to clamp down on dissent.

State Sen. Ruben Diaz (D-Bronx) is still smarting from the administration's severe curbing of debate on same-sex marriage late on the last night of the regular legislative session. Lt. Gov. Robert Duffy, who presides over the Senate, limited Diaz -- a vocal opponent of gay marriage -- to two minutes while supporters were allowed more time to speak.

"That was a very shameful and very irresponsible thing to do," Diaz said, "to not allow me to speak and to move fast because he wanted to catch the 11 o'clock news."

Diaz said Cuomo was "very shrewd" politically, but also called him "Steamroller Number Two," describing the governor's style as "my way or the highway."

Five months later, Republicans bristled at getting very little time to study the complicated tax package before called to vote. "He said he'd have a more transparent government," said Assembly Minority Leader Brian Kolb (R-Canandaigua). "This flies in the face of that."

Cuomo dismissed the secrecy complaints. He said tax rates had been discussed endlessly and it was time for action.

The governor said he has "worked hard at developing the relationship and honoring the relationship" with legislators.

Pollsters said voters don't believe Cuomo, in one year, has completely restored the credibility of state government. But he's begun to change the perception.

Said Cuomo: "It's not the same old Albany. It's not a fluke."

Cuomo's legislative victories

Legalization of same-sex marriage

Passage of 2-percent annual property-tax cap

New ethics law requiring more disclosure on officials' outside incomes

Partial rollback of MTA payroll tax

First cut in state spending in 15 years

Higher tax rates for wealthy, lower rates for middle-income New Yorkers