GOP moves past Trump's Putin bond
Russian President Vladimir Putin with President Donald Trump in June 2019 on the sidelines of the G-20 summit in Osaka, Japan. Credit: AP/Susan Walsh
Secretary of State Antony Blinken spoke cautiously enough Sunday when asked by CNN about the bizarre splintering of Russia’s mercenary and government military forces — a setback for President Vladimir Putin.
“To the extent that the Russians are distracted and divided, it may make their prosecution of the aggression against Ukraine more difficult,” President Joe Biden’s top diplomat said. “On the other hand, of course, when you have instability of any kind in a major country like Russia … that is cause for concern.”
One year before major party nominating conventions commence, this war in Eastern Europe is clearly generating its share of noise and debate in the upcoming U.S. election. Beyond general support for NATO and Ukraine, however, there seems little specific dialogue on how and when to negotiate and defuse the frightful prospect of a nuclear conflagration.
That's cause for concern, indeed.
For the time being, several Republican candidates are bobbing and weaving to distance themselves from both Biden and ex-President Donald Trump in hopes of galvanizing the GOP. Polls show Americans generally support aid for Ukraine. But there's still a visible pro-Putin tilt among a few prominent voices on the right.
Are Republicans changing course and stepping back toward 2012 candidate Mitt Romney’s unqualified alarm about Putin’s Russia? There may be hints. Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis, a presidential primary candidate, found it necessary three months ago to walk back his cold characterization of the Ukraine war as a “territorial dispute,” which critics viewed as dismissive.
In February of last year, Trump said the invasion signified Putin’s “savvy” and “genius.” (He hasn’t said that in a while).
Ex-Vice President Mike Pence said in a recent interview that unlike Trump, “I know the difference between a genius and a war criminal.” Back in February, Pence said he wished to “accelerate the pace of military provisions” for Ukraine “until victory is achieved.”
Candidate Chris Christie, the former New Jersey governor, last month called Trump a “coward” and a “puppet of Putin” for refusing to clearly express support for Ukraine’s defense.
Nikki Haley, who was Trump’s U.N. ambassador, said helping Ukraine defend itself is in the U.S. national interest. She criticizes Biden as too slow in doing so. Notably, at the very start of Trump's administration, Haley began to depart from her president’s pro-Putin posturing. Haley said in her Senate confirmation hearing in January 2017 that the U.S. should not send the message it is comfortable with Russia’s 2014 annexation of Crimea from Ukraine or its support for Syrian President Bashar Assad’s regime.
And these days, the newly GOP-controlled House hasn't seemed as opposed to Ukraine aid as earlier predicted.
For all his attempts to show cordiality with Putin, Trump wrought few foreign policy reversals while in office.
When the 45th president pressured Ukraine’s Volodymyr Zelenskyy in 2019 to dig up dirt on Biden and the Democrats, he ordered U.S. aid delayed as a prod. The gambit failed. With GOP congressional approval, that aid was restored.
Also, despite Trump's hectoring NATO about costs, he ended up increasing U.S. outlays for military operations in Europe.
These days, Trump says of the latest Putin invasion: “If it’s not solved, I will have it solved in 24 hours with Zelenskyy and with Putin.” Given his track record, it’s a good guess he would do no such thing.
Columnist Dan Janison's opinions are his own.
Dan Janison is a member of the Newsday editorial board.
