Opinion

Endorsements 2014 Gallery

New Yorkers do many things well, but voting isn't one of them. Especially if there's no close marquee election to rile us up. 
Four years ago, when we last chose a governor and all of our members of Congress, less than 40 percent of eligible voters bothered to vote. New York was dead last for gubernatorial turnout. 
The same economic malaise that affected us then colors this election. The mood is glum, expectations and dreams are pinched. Mix in the bitter partisanship and stagnation of Washington and it's easy to see why voters feel casting a ballot won't matter. 
But that's a mistake. 
On Tuesday, Long Islanders will help decide whom to send to the House of Representatives and whether to keep an incumbent governor, attorney general and state comptroller. We'll determine whether Republicans keep power in the State Senate. 
There are two important ballot issues: One would authorize $2 billion in state borrowing to pay for school technology and construction that's normally part of district spending. Another would enshrine the method for drawing electoral maps into the state constitution. Both have important long-term consequences. 
All of these are worth weighing in on. 
We could also try to convince you by revealing our David Letterman list of why you should vote. No. 4: It's a great way to spend time with neighbors, a block party with ballots. 
We could get solemn and remind you that your forefathers died -- literally died -- to give you this right. 
We could attempt to shame you with images from foreign countries of people waiting in endless lines at polling places to exercise their newly granted right. 
But the most cogent argument is that, purely and simply, voting matters. 
Look what's changed since New York last elected a governor. We have a tax cap that has slowed the rise of property taxes. The Long Island Power Authority has been downsized and now a private operator will be held accountable for services and costs. The minimum wage was increased, income taxes for the middle class were cut and estate taxes were reduced for the wealthy. We have tougher gun laws. We have same-sex marriage. 
Love those developments or hate them, they happened because of the people we chose to go to Albany. 
Look what's happened in Washington -- nothing. Congress is paralyzed by partisanship. The brutal battle for control of the Senate is being waged not over issues, but on who can best get core voters to the ballot box. We'll concede that disillusionment is a national phenomenon, the sinking feeling that government doesn't work. 
But frustration with Washington is no reason for New Yorkers to stay home Tuesday. Pick someone you think can work with the other side, someone who is a leader for an issue you care deeply about. You should at least be able to find someone or something to vote against. 
And it's not just whom you vote for that matters. In the governor's race, what line you vote on also counts. The overall tally on each gubernatorial line determines where all parties appear on ballots for four years, from president to county executive. In 2010, Andrew M. Cuomo got more votes as a Democrat than any candidate, so Democrats have the coveted top spot. 
This year he is seeking re-election on four different lines because New York, unfortunately, is one of the few remaining states that allows fusion candidates. Cuomo is running on the Democratic, Working Families, Independence and Women's Equality lines. Republican Rob Astorino also has the Conservative and the newly formed Stop Common Core lines. 
Doing it the old-fashioned way with their own candidates are the Greens, with Howie Hawkins, and the Libertarians, with Michael McDermott. If a party gets fewer than 50,000 votes for a gubernatorial candidate, it no longer gets an automatic spot on the ballot. 
The most intriguing is Hawkins, whose platform is the New Deal with solar power. Hawkins could poll as much as 10 percent. If disaffected Democrats and Working Families members migrate there, or women vote for Cuomo on the Equality line, the Greens could end up the No. 3 party in the state. This year, more than most, politicians will be analyzing voter sentiment not only from the final tally but on how the winner got there. 
Should it be more convenient to vote in New York? Yes. Early voting would help those who need assistance getting to the polls, or have work and child care conflicts. 
Still, voting doesn't take long. It's not terribly complicated. If you need a ride, let someone know. Take the kids with you and explain how this act fulfills a basic civil right, one that is the cornerstone of our democracy. 
And if there is no other reason, consider it a license. If you don't take part in the process, you have no right to complain about the result. 
Don't let someone else make the decision for you. 
Please vote.

VPVOTE02

Editorial: Voting is our right. Make your mark!

Vote on Tuesday, don't let someone else decide

Voting Editorial Cartoon

Tim Bishop, seeking a seventh term in Congress, is fond of saying that the debate in the House of Representatives isn't between Democrats and Republicans, "It's between conservative Republicans and really, really conservative Republicans." 
But by defining his own Democratic Party as irrelevant in the overwhelmingly Republican House, Bishop unwittingly makes a strong argument that the voters should select his opponent, Republican state Sen. Lee Zeldin. Voters in the 1st Congressional District, and across Long Island, do need a strong voice fighting for them on the side in power. 
Zeldin first emerged on the political scene when he challenged Bishop in 2008 and lost. The national GOP targeted the seat in that race, and has continued to do so ever since. 
Zeldin, 34, of Shirley, is a lawyer and officer in the Army Reserve who served several years of active duty. In 2010 he won a race for State Senate, and voters returned him in 2012. 
But judging Zeldin can be difficult. Ideologically, he is unabashedly conservative. In previous runs and in this one, he has gotten support from the far-right wing of the Republican Party. Most East End voters don't necessarily share the opinions of such extremist characters and Zeldin himself predicts that if he falls under their spell, those voters will punish him. 
But when you engage him more deeply or observe his legislative style, you find Zeldin's ideology softens considerably. 
In Albany, Zeldin has become known for his fight to fund a pilot program for soldiers with post-traumatic stress disorder, for leading a successful bid to scale back the Metropolitan Transportation Authority payroll tax and for his efforts to end saltwater fishing fees. 
Bishop, 64, of Southampton, has been in Washington for 12 years. He knows the job and seems to relish it. He has worked to lower interest rates on college student loans, and he has fought doggedly for the Fire Island-to-Montauk sand replenishment project. But he does not have a significant voice in Congress, and that's not just because he's a Democrat. His strengths as an intellectual and mediator have led him to a quieter role. 
We know what we're getting with Bishop, but we might be able to get more for Long Island with Zeldin, a newcomer with a lot of potential who likely will have collected some chits from the leadership if he wins -- and if it wants him to return in two years. 
In 2006, Zeldin signed the Grover Norquist pledge, agreeing he would never, ever raise taxes. It's a foolish promise. This year, asked if he stood by it, Zeldin said he still doesn't want to raise taxes, but can't pledge he won't, because he might have to vote for a bill that's 10 percent bad to get the 90 percent good it contains. He's maturing. 
Bishop has been an able congressman, but Long Island needs this seat at the Republican table. 
Newsday endorses Zeldin.

VPCONG1

Editorial: Elect Lee Zeldin in 1st Congressional District

Newsday endorses Zeldin

Newsday's editorial board interviewed 1st Congressional District candidates Tim Bishop and Lee Zeldin about key issues facing the United States and their district. 

The candidates were questioned about the social security, immigration reform and climate change. The board also asked the candidates about their opinions on U.S. foreign policy and the political atmosphere in Congress. 

Watch the videos to see how Bishop and Zeldin answered. The interviews were edited for pacing and clarity.

Tim Bishop and Lee Zeldin on the issues

Tim Bishop and Lee Zeldin on key issues

Republican Peter King, 70, of Seaford, has had a tight grip on his congressional seat since the district first sent him to Washington in 1992. He's done it his way.
He has often bucked his own party when toeing the line would have been bad for Long Island. He may best be remembered for the fight he led in the House of Representatives that delivered $60.4 billion in federal aid for the region after superstorm Sandy. King didn't hesitate to publicly castigate Republicans who opposed and delayed that essential help.
That independent streak is the reason Newsday has sometimes endorsed King despite frequently disagreeing with him on issues, and even though he declined to meet with the editorial board. We have criticized him for railing against amnesty as a part of broad immigration reform, a position he has moderated since his district was redrawn based on the 2010 census to include more minorities and Democrats. King now says he would back a bill offering legalization if the borders are secured. 
Through stints as chairman and ranking member of the House Committee on Homeland Security, and aided by his affinity for television cameras, King has become a national voice in the war on terror. And he has consistently helped to deliver federal assistance to secure the New York City region against attack and to compensate sick Ground Zero first responders.
Democrat Patricia Maher, 55, a longtime resident of East Meadow currently living in Garden City, is an admitted underdog. The real estate agent and executive sales account director is running with little money or party support. Give her credit for that; voters always deserve a race. She is passionate on issues such as fair pay for women and preserving Social Security and Medicare. But her learning curve on the full range of national challenges would be steep. 
Newsday endorses King.

VPCONG2

Editorial: Re-elect Peter King in 2nd Congressional District

Newsday endorses King in 2nd Congressional District

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Steve Israel says fighting for the middle class is his top priority in Congress. With incomes falling nationally and faith in the American dream wavering, it's absolutely the right focus. Identifying the challenge is easy enough. Doing something about it, not so much. 
Nonetheless, the seven-term congressman from Huntington has managed to chip away. For example, his dogged insistence that a $250,000-a-year income isn't rich on Long Island helped convince President Barack Obama and Congress to extend the Bush tax cuts beyond January 2013 for families with incomes less than $450,000. 
Israel, 56, is a Democrat in a House of Representatives dominated by a Republican majority. But he still has leverage. As chairman of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, he uses the access provided by that perch in leadership to press his causes, as he did with Obama on the tax-cut brackets.
Now he should use that entree to move the ball on other middle class-friendly policies he's adamant about: allowing families to refinance college debt, for instance, and providing a tax break on overseas profits that corporations bring into the United States if they use some of the money to buy bonds to fund critical road and bridge improvements.
Israel also should continue to build support for some of his more fanciful notions. One example is his push to provide incentives for automakers to embrace flex-fuel vehicles to reduce the nation's dependence on oil. In Brazil, 87 percent of autos and light trucks on the road in 2013 -- including some manufactured by Ford and General Motors -- were equipped to run on either gasoline or ethanol or a combination of the two. Motorists can opt at the pump for the fuel they want based on price, performance or availability. Washington lawmakers need to embrace this kind of innovative thinking regardless of party.
Grant M. Lally, 52, of Lloyd Harbor, is a Republican who would have the advantage of joining a large House majority. He's managing partner of a Long Island law firm and has experience working abroad, from Ireland to Cuba. He previously ran for Congress in 1994.
Lally's priority would be growing the economy, a critical issue for the struggling middle class. But his prescription to improve the business climate comes in broad polemics: repealing the Affordable Care Act and slashing regulation and taxes. Even if that were to happen, Lally has no clear ideas about how to fund critical needs, such as infrastructure improvements, or where to cut spending to avoid outsized deficits and even more debt.
Newsday endorses Israel.

VPCONG3

Editorial: Re-elect Steve Israel in the 3rd Congressional District

Newsday endorses Israel in 3rd Congressional District

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Kathleen Rice is the best candidate the 4th District can send to Congress to succeed the retiring Carolyn McCarthy. 
In her eight years as Nassau County's district attorney, Rice has proved herself as a leader and problem solver. And that's what this nation needs. 
Republican Bruce Blakeman, 59, of Long Beach, is a former presiding officer of the Nassau County Legislature and former Port Authority board member. He has made security, both national and economic, the linchpin of his campaign, but unfortunately in distasteful, scaremongering ways. His lust for war is troubling. And his economic prescription won't create jobs as he envisions. 
Blakeman favors aggressive action in dealing with threats from Iran and the Islamic State group. If diplomatic negotiations to stop Iran's nuclear weapons program are at an impasse by this November, Blakeman advocates trying just 90 days of economic sanctions before making a surgical military strike to destroy that nation's nuclear-weapons capability. Yet another war is not what our nation needs. Just as rash is his support for escalating the conflict with the Islamic State group in Syria and Iraq. 
His jobs agenda is largely limited to slashing regulations and taxes. And his would be another vote to repeal the Affordable Care Act without any clear idea about what should come next to control costs and expand access to health care. 
Rice has staked out a more pragmatic course, which is what is needed to loosen the death grip of extremism and partisanship that has paralyzed Congress. 
She would focus on finding ways to fund critical infrastructure improvements -- for instance, establishing an infrastructure bank and tying the federal gasoline tax to inflation. She promises to continue McCarthy's important uphill battle to reduce gun violence by pushing to close the loophole that allows people to buy firearms at gun shows without background checks. Her economic prescriptions include raising the minimum wage, holding the line on middle class taxes, expanding federal assistance for small businesses, reforming immigration with a path to citizenship, and fighting to change tax policies that encourage corporations to move jobs abroad. 
Rice, 49, of Garden City, has been a tough, innovative district attorney, the job she's held since 2006. She was one of the first in the nation to prosecute drunken drivers for murder. And confronted with a college admissions-test cheating scandal, she helped to drive changes in test security nationwide. 
Congress is notoriously dysfunctional. Partisanship has blocked progress on important challenges, including tax reform, shoring up Social Security and fixing the broken immigration system. With that logjam Congress needs more problem solvers. That's Rice's approach and what we need in Washington. 
Newsday endorses Rice.

VPCONG4

Editorial: Elect Kathleen Rice in 4th Congressional District

Newsday endorses Rice in 4th Congressional District

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The primary job of a governor is to run the state competently. That doesn't seem like a very high standard, but when you consider that Andrew M. Cuomo is the first governor of New York in years to do so, you must respect the accomplishment. 
By almost any measure, Cuomo's leadership in his first term has been strong, pragmatic and successful. 
When Cuomo took office in 2011, the state budget had not been completed on time in four years. He has now delivered four straight on-time budgets. That feat hadn't been managed in 40 years, and it matters greatly in the smooth operation of a huge state. 
That first budget was deeply challenging, and Cuomo's methods in passing it set the tone for the term: generating popular support, projecting brute force toward his opponents and then, at crunchtime, making savvy political deals to bring the players together. 
In that 2011 budget, he faced a projected $10-billion deficit. He handled that not with tax increases but with spending cuts, including a $1.5-billion slash to school aid that set the education lobby howling. Passing it showed how masterful the governor is in the dark arts of Albany, and how well he gauged the mood of the penny-pinched populace. 
Cuomo has kept increases in state spending below 2 percent each year. And to attack spiraling property taxes, he spearheaded a 2 percent cap on hikes for municipalities and school districts that can only be breached by a 60 percent vote. That's a game-changer. Most municipalities and practically all local school districts avoid even trying to pierce the cap. 
School taxes in New York increased an average of 6.3 percent annually between 1980 and 2010, meaning they multiplied by a factor of six. It is not an exaggeration to say the tax cap has changed the trajectory of the state. The cap, along with his successful fight to legalize same-sex marriage, are the highlights of Cuomo's tenure thus far. 
And the low points? They've often come when the pragmatic governor was faced with highly idealistic issues. After the 2010 census, he promised he would veto any new maps for electoral districts that weren't created by an independent commission, but he backed down, then supported a new redistricting system. That system is up for a referendum in this election, and it isn't really an improvement. 
In his plan for the next four years, Cuomo pledges to push campaign finance reform, improve access to voting and simplify ballots. That's great, but he also needs to fight to end the fusion voting that allows one candidate to represent multiple parties, and which has five candidates in this race running on 10 lines. Ending Wilson-Pakula, the law that lets parties give their ballot lines to members of other parties, also needs to be a Cuomo priority. 
Rejecting third-party lines himself in this election would have been a way to lead by example, and we are disappointed he chose not to. 
Cuomo's main opponent is Westchester County Executive Rob Astorino, a Republican who's swung right on social issues and doesn't seem to disagree with Cuomo much on fiscal policy or governance. 
Astorino wants to lower taxes, improve the business climate and control spending. But Cuomo, to the extent possible with an Assembly and Senate that don't always agree, has already done so, and will continue the fight more effectively than Astorino could. Astorino wholeheartedly supports hydrofracking while Cuomo has stalled on it. The effects fracking has on communities, environmentally and economically, are complex, and this doesn't need to be hurried into. And Astorino's fervent opposition to recent education reforms that culminated in his Stop Common Core ballot line is misguided. 
Cuomo and Astorino also disagree strongly on gun control. But Cuomo, whose New York Secure Ammunition and Firearms Enforcement Act of 2013 is helping keep guns away from criminals and mentally ill people, is right, and Astorino is wrong. 
Passed at lightning speed in the wake of the 2012 Newtown massacre, the SAFE Act is an example of what Cuomo critics hate most. He saw the opportunity and moved aggressively, passing an important (and in some ways poorly written) bill with little debate. It was unseemly. It was ferocious. And it was probably the only way to get the bill passed before the National Rifle Association could take over the debate. 
Cuomo is also being challenged from the left by Green Party candidate Howie Hawkins, whose common sense and workingman credentials may attract a lot of support. Hawkins is an idealistic progressive: He wants jobs, high wages and free health care for all, and all-renewable energy within 15 years. His ideas won't come to fruition anytime soon, but his voice is one that should be heard. Libertarian Michael McDermott also has added to the conversation by championing individual liberties, smaller government and lower taxes. 
But Cuomo has the track record and the most fully formed vision. To have a successful second term, he must hold the line against politicians angling to weaken the tax cap. He must continue to support higher educational standards and accountability for teachers. 
He must see that the budget surplus and a one-time windfall from bank fines is used for infrastructure projects that create jobs and invigorate the state. 
For Long Island, Cuomo has to put his full weight behind revamping Republic Airport and adjacent land for business development. This project must succeed. He promises infrastructure improvements and environmental protection. New sewers and outfall pipes accomplish both. And those hurt by superstorm Sandy must get the help they were promised from NY Rising. Quickly. 
New York has experienced remarkable success dealing with intractable problems and paralyzing issues during Cuomo's first four years. We believe the state will continue to do so in a second term. 
Newsday endorses Cuomo.

VPGOV26

Editorial: Re-elect Andrew M. Cuomo governor of New York

Newsday endorses Cuomo for governor

nyCUOMO cropped

The office of New York attorney general is one of the most influential in the nation. Our sweeping laws protecting civil rights, consumers and the environment, combined with the authority to prosecute financial fraud, give the officeholder a lot of power. 
But only if those muscles are flexed.
The most recent officeholders, Eliot Spitzer and Andrew M. Cuomo, built their reputations by aggressively regulating the financial industry and protecting consumers. 
Unlike his predecessors, Democrat Eric T. Schneiderman of Manhattan hasn't put much up on the scoreboard. We were skeptical about his fit for this job four years ago, and his lackluster campaign for a second term has been as uninspiring as his tenure. The incumbent's lack of name recognition is not surprising.
Fortunately, his Republican challenger, John Cahill of Yonkers, has the professionalism and experience to return luster to this office. He has an ambitious agenda and a respected management style that are critical to attract a bipartisan team of top legal talent.
Cahill, 56, served in the administration of former Gov. George Pataki -- four years as the commissioner of the Department of Environmental Conservation, and another four as his chief of staff. Cahill has solid environmental credentials, especially on Long Island, where he recently was endorsed by the Long Island Environmental Voters Forum for his key role in implementing the 1993 Pine Barrens Protection Act. 
In contrast, Schneiderman's office was absent when activists repeatedly asked him to stop encroachments in the protected area, including the storage of cars destroyed by Sandy that leaked motor fluids into a groundwater-protection area.
Schneiderman says the capstone of his first term was bringing billions of dollars to New York from the nationwide settlement of litigation against major financial institutions for their role in the 2008 financial meltdown. The complex negotiations between federal and state attorneys general could fill a book, and Schneiderman certainly got a lot of publicity for his combative position.
But Cahill joins critics on the left who are disappointed that Schneiderman didn't put any of the players responsible for the massive fraud in jail. 
Schneiderman, 59, a former state senator, is smart and politically adroit. After two fatal shooting incidents on Long Island in 2011, he took the lead in establishing I-STOP, a registry designed to end the overprescribing of painkillers.
These limited achievements, however, don't compensate for his failure to lead.
Schneiderman never assembled a stellar staff of lawyers whose ideas he could have prioritized into a defining agenda. Instead, he relied on political operatives to be his managers, inevitably letting the concerns of their affiliations, particularly with labor unions, spur his actions.
The most obvious example is his smackdown of the lodgings website Airbnb, one of the more recognizable new businesses in the rapidly expanding Internet-based economy that allows peers to sell and buy services. 
Airbnb shouldn't be allowed to facilitate illegal hotels, but Schneiderman's massive subpoena drop to obtain personal and financial data of Airbnb hosts was overkill and done at the behest of the hotel trade unions. Instead, the attorney general's office should lead a task force to eliminate outdated laws while drafting new regulations that would protect consumers and allow these business of the future to thrive. 
Saying he will be a better watchdog of ethics violations by Albany lawmakers, Cahill is critical of Schneiderman for approving the use of taxpayer money to settle a sexual harassment suit against a powerful Brooklyn assemblyman.
Cahill, who has successfully practiced law since he left state government, says he won't run for another public office. He just wants to be a very good attorney general. And that's just what New York needs. 
Newsday endorses Cahill.

VPAG19

Editorial: Elect John Cahill as New York attorney general

In nearly eight years as comptroller for New York State, Thomas P. DiNapoli has been steady, competent and conscientious. That's just what was needed when DiNapoli took over the office in 2007. That's what's needed in that post now. 
DiNapoli's predecessor, Alan Hevesi, was forced to resign because of corruption, which cast a huge shadow over the office. DiNapoli, known for his bipartisan approach and squeaky-clean reputation, was picked by the legislature to fill the position, and he won election in 2010. 
He's done the job well despite difficult times. In his second year in the job, the real estate and stock markets collapsed. The massive retirement fund of which he is the sole trustee was hemorrhaging money, and the municipalities and school districts that pay into it faced serious revenue challenges. 
DiNapoli, well-respected after decades in public service, was a reassuring presence. Returns of the fund stabilized as the markets did. Today it is 92 percent funded to handle its obligations, among the best in the nation, and stands at $182 billion in assets. The pension rate paid by local governments on payroll, after years of steep hikes, went down a tad last year and should decline about 10 percent more this year. And DiNapoli fought for a pension-smoothing plan for local governments that, while it did amount to borrowing for an operational obligation, generally a bad idea, helped school districts and municipalities survive huge pension bills. 
DiNapoli, 60, also created an office of inspector general to monitor his own agency, and a special counsel for ethics, both important strides. 
He has increased the audits done by the office -- in particular, taking pointed looks at stressed municipalities, the real effects of gambling and the sometimes deceptive budgeting of school districts. 
DiNapoli, of Great Neck, is a Democrat. Running against him is Robert Antonacci II, 50, of Syracuse, the Republican comptroller of Onondaga County. Antonacci has a fine resumé, but it doesn't match DiNapoli's record. 
Antonacci is a certified public accountant and a lawyer who has been elected twice to his current post. He understands what the state job entails. And he makes an impassioned plea for more and better audits on state politicians and on government spending to determine whether legislators are abusing the per diems they get paid to be in Albany, and whether campaign contributors are getting paid off in contracts. 
Antonacci supports a hard look at the culture of corruption in New York, and he's right. DiNapoli needs to make auditing and investigating lawmakers more of a priority. 
Antonacci supports a 401(k)-type option for public employees who'd prefer it to a pension, which DiNapoli fervently opposes. He should reconsider. 
The race is being run as a test of public campaign financing in statewide races. So far, the answer is not heartening. DiNapoli turned down the matching funds because he already had a huge coffer when the legislature picked his race for the experiment. He says the process this year was flawed, but he supports public campaign financing in general. 
With just a month left in his campaign, Antonacci is still trying to qualify for matching funds. Though he's reached the donor threshold of 2,000, he has not collected the $200,000 necessary to earn his publicly funded match. 
DiNapoli has done a fine job in every aspect of the post, showing competence and energy. He has done a considerable number of public corruption investigations with federal and local prosecutors. Doing more and aiming at tougher targets would be great additions to his portfolio. 
Newsday endorses DiNapoli.

VPNYCOMP12

Editorial: Newsday endorses Thomas DiNapoli for state comptroller

Editorial: Newsday endorses DiNapoli

DiNapoli - Newsday Endorses - Do Not Edit

The race for Suffolk County comptroller matches two candidates with years of government experience and similar thoughts about the role of the office, but dramatically different styles. 
Democrat James Gaughran, 57, of Eatons Neck, chairman of the Suffolk County Water Authority, and Republican John M. Kennedy Jr., 58, of Nesconset, the minority leader in the county legislature, are running to succeed incumbent Joseph Sawicki, who is term-limited and unable to seek re-election. 
Gaughran and Kennedy agree Suffolk is in a fiscal crisis. Each correctly says the comptroller as the county's financial watchdog must be a strong and independent check on the county executive and legislature. And both say they are ready to exercise the bully pulpit potential of the office. That's where their contrasting styles come into play. 
Kennedy -- a constant burr in the side of Democratic County Executive Steve Bellone, in particular -- is loud and blustery, and seems likely to express his concerns as comptroller by railing publicly and frequently. Gaughran -- an effective lawmaker on the Huntington Town Board and Suffolk legislature in the 1980s and 1990s -- is extremely even-tempered, and seems more likely to offer quiet advice. A healthy dose of passion would complement his competency. 
The candidates disagree on this fall's ballot referendum to eliminate the post of treasurer and add those duties to the comptroller's office. Kennedy opposes it as narrow-sighted with nebulous savings and deplores the loss of an independent elected position. We side here with Gaughran, who touts the savings from a more efficient financial management office and says such consolidations could be done across county government. 
It's good that both candidates plan to be more aggressive in using audits to cut wasteful county spending and increase efficiency. Kennedy would reduce the number of outside auditors, increase in-house staff and do quarterly accounting to discourage adding debt throughout the year. He would target homeless shelter finances, which he says are rife with fraud, and put a 20 percent cap on administrative costs in contracts. 
Gaughran has more ambitious plans. He'd create a "waste, fraud and abuse division," and a Medicaid fraud unit to be assisted by auditors supplied by state Comptroller Thomas DiNapoli. Gaughran would audit county perks, provide financial guidance to nonprofits and hire a local economist to give the office its own projection of sales tax revenue, the county's principal funding stream. Kennedy's response -- that the legislature already employs a local economist to make that projection -- misses the point of comptroller independence. 
We worry about Kennedy's ability to leave his legislative roots behind and make the switch from rabidly partisan lawmaker to the county's voice of financial reason. He is well-cast in his current position. 
Gaughran cites his legislative history in saying he would be independent and a public prod for fiscal honesty and discipline, and promises to "be in the face of the legislature." We will hold him to that. 
Newsday endorses Gaughran.

VPCOMP10

Editorial: Newsday endorses James Gaughran for Suffolk comptroller

Newsday endorses Gaughran

James Gaughran Endorsement Cropped

Newsday Editorial Board endorsements 2014

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