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Opinion

Matt Davies' Newsday cartoons

OPDAV220320

Michael Dobie

The Olympic&nbsp;Games are a Rorschach test. 
Look closely and you can see whatever you want to see. 
Do you perceive portraits of pure athletic achievement? Do you find allegories of perseverance and redemption? Do you detect the outlines of geopolitical collisions on fields of play? 
The multitude of sketches on display at this year's bash in Beijing vary from Olympics past only in their details. 
Front and center at the moment is 18-year-old freestyle skier Eileen Gu, the gold-medal star of The Games so far for the host Chinese. American-born to a mother who emigrated from China, Gu chose to compete for the home team, and has been the recipient of wild adulation and social media praise and the subject of fawning state-produced documentaries. 
What's her ink blot? Is she an athlete who sensed a chance for veneration she might not have received in the U.S.? Did she reason that success in China as a Chinese athlete would turbo-boost her already swelling endorsement and modeling career? Is she hoping to somehow soothe the troubled waters between the two world powers? Is she simply paying tribute to her mother's heritage and to the country she visits yearly and seems to love dearly? Given that Gu was all of 15 when she decided which nation's uniform to wear, how much was this decision really her own? 
And does that ink blot morph when you consider that Nathan Chen, the sublime U.S. figure skater who won the men's competition, has been ignored by Chinese media and not applauded by Chinese crowds and reviled by Chinese social media ostensibly because he chose to compete as he always has for his country of birth, not the nation from which his parents emigrated? 
Interpretive opportunities abound. 
Take the breathless pace and sharp-elbowed hurly-burly of short track speed skating with its myriad crashes and disqualifications. Do you see a sport that is cruel for the abrupt heartbreak it creates, thrilling for the high-speed drama it incubates — or poignantly beautiful for the random chaos it invites, the mirror it holds to life itself? 
Or ski jumping, where five women in a team event were disqualified for wearing jumpsuits that didn't conform to guidelines, after the same jumpsuits passed muster in earlier individual events. Was this yet another lesson in the importance of following rules, or a reminder of the shifting standards that bewilder the rest of us in areas like pandemic restrictions? 
Do you see in the brown hills surrounding the snow-white ribbons of the skiing venues a testament to Chinese determination to create all that powder or a parable about the effects of climate change? 
And what to make of the Russian figure skater who failed a doping test, one of the oldest and perhaps most unsurprising ink blots of all, one whose contours change only with the sport? Do you see only the nefarious treachery of a Russian system that never is fully punished and never learns, or do you focus on the 15-year-old young woman whose peerless brilliance might not be tarnished but at the least is not as lustrous? 
There is much to see, for sure. But as we're taking in this Rorshachian feast, I hope we're also looking more deeply at the humanity at the center of these Olympian quests, the same humanity at the center of all of our quests. 
It's there in the tears of snowboarder Shaun White contemplating the end of his competitive career, the dejection of Mikaela Shiffrin sitting alongside the course from which she had just skied out, the focus on the face of every athlete at every starting line and gate, and, yes, the exuberance of Eileen Gu after her big-air victory. 
If we miss that in our effort to make sense of what we see, we're not really seeing the picture after all. 
Columnist Michael Dobie's opinions are his own.

Columnists

OPDOB220213

Olympic Games are a Rorschach test

Dobie: What we see watching the Olympics

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The Stony Brook Concerned Homeowners has been battling to preserve single-family neighborhoods against illegal college boarding houses for more than eight years ["Hochul’s stumble on housing needs," Editorial, Feb. 9]. If not for Brookhaven Town’s jurisdiction over our housing codes, our suburban way of life would resemble overcrowded cities. 
We bought our homes so we could raise our families and grow old in single-family communities. We did not choose to live in communities overrun by unlimited accessory apartments that will change our neighborhoods’ dynamics. 
We already have town codes for accessory apartments that require inspection and review to ensure that all fire safety and building codes are met. We have seen what happens when unscrupulous landlords squeeze too many students into a single-family home and a fire breaks out. 
Our town provides our communities with blanket coverage that at least has checks and balances to help ensure our single-family communities are preserved. Gov. Kathy Hochul’s absurd proposal has too many unintended consequences. 
— Bruce Sander, Stony Brook 
The writer is founder and president of the Stony Brook Concerned Homeowners. 
  
My parents moved to Long Island in 1959 to escape overcrowding in the Bronx. Lured by wide-open spaces, they moved into a modest house in a neighborhood with good schools, single-family homes and plenty of parking. 
Fast-forward 60-plus years, and the once-uncluttered Island now sports a bevy of strip malls and 7-Elevens at every turn. Traffic is horrendous, roads are in much-needed repair, and, for many, street parking is at a premium. 
Gov. Kathy Hochul’s plan to allow accessory housing on Long Island could turn single-family homes into multiple-family dwellings, similar to those in the Bronx, the very same neighborhoods they escaped from so many years ago. 
Allowing this type of housing would only add burdens to local infrastructure as well as putting strains on local resources, including schools, police and fire departments. 
Enough is enough. 
— Stuart Abbott, North Bellmore 
Before "Granny" or any other homeowner thinks it’s a windfall becoming a landlord, they had better be an expert in New York State landlord-tenant law. Any well-seeming tenant can stop paying rent. The landlord must give them up to 90 days’ notice to vacate before the landlord can even begin the eviction process. Good luck getting a court date. 
Do you have any idea of how much money it will cost to evict a tenant? Not to mention the stress of having tenants living rent-free in your home when you can’t pay your own bills. Is this what our senior citizens need in retirement? 
And what if a neighbor rents to college students who have parties a few nights a week? Will you be happy that your neighbor gets this extra income? 
The answer to affordable housing is lower taxes, not turning Long Island into an urban area. 
— Cathy Greene, East Setauket 
The writer has been a Long Island landlord since 1990. 
  
I oppose Gov. Kathy Hochul’s plan. It is an ill-conceived stopgap that not only does not come near to solving any housing and economic problems New Yorkers face, but also would be detrimental to our entire housing and economic crises. 
This plan would substantially destroy real estate valuations and would stress our already overstressed infrastructure. Hochul intimates there are no other options. 
As a builder, real estate and zoning expert, and entrepreneur for 30 years, I know there are other options. Lower governmental costs, starting with employee salaries, and lower salaries of overpaid schoolteachers and administrators. While current pension statuses cannot be touched, future ones can be. Change the pension guidelines and think forward. 
This proposal should not be considered a blanket statewide fix. The local governments have a better knowledge of their communities. Urban, suburban and rural areas have completely different needs. The burdens on these infrastructures are in no way similar. 
— Susan B. Lyons, Freeport 
  
Will Gov. Kathy Hochul’s private home be in an area that will be inundated with "accessory dwelling units"? Will these now-illegal living spaces become legal with little thought given to proper living conditions, such as how many rooms will be permitted in a garage, or will basement areas need egresses added? And how many "backyard cottages" are permitted on what size properties? 
What about the impact on local schools? More children to be educated. Did Hochul discuss this with school administrators before issuing her plan? There will be increases in garbage and cars parked on local streets. All of this needs to be addressed before this plan is put into effect. 
— Gloria R. Maffettone, Uniondale 
The writer is a retired school administrator. 
  
I am sickened by Gov. Kathy Hochul’s "affordable housing plan," which effectively eliminates zoning and would no doubt ramp up density, congestion and real estate taxes on Long Island. Taking zoning decisions from local governments would be about as effective as removing cash bail from the justice system. 
We have spiking crime, and this latest ridiculous idea on zoning will most certainly have multiple unintended consequences and would likely mostly benefit contractors and real estate brokers. Aren’t we smarter than this? 
We need to say no to this impending density disaster. 
— Marc de Venoge, Manhasset 
  
Gov. Kathy Hochul’s hokum is her proposed solution for "affordable housing." To suggest that accessory apartments can be built at owner discretion is inviting the slow deterioration of neighborhoods. 
Suburban residential communities are for single-family homes — that is why they exist. It is one thing to add or modify homes for family members’ needs (and there is a limit there, too), but quite another to permit unfettered expansion for whatever an owner desires, such as a nice secondary income. 
These days, adding a deck or a large doghouse requires a permit. Hochul’s hokum does not. 
— Richard M. Frauenglass, Huntington 
  
It is hoped that Gov. Kathy Hochul’s plan includes a provision stating that the basement, attic, garage and any bedroom in the governor’s mansion that is not being used by an immediate family member shall be converted to accessory dwelling units. 
— John Minogue, Manhasset

Letters

OPLTR220213

Hochul's accessory apartment plan is hokum

Hochul's housing plan is hokum

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Let's start with the ultimate goal on which most agree: Long Island is in desperate need of thousands of more units of housing, of various price points and types, in locations across Nassau and Suffolk counties. 
Given that, Gov. Kathy Hochul's attention to the issue is warranted and welcome. The state's participation in an effort to help the region, along with the rest of New York, find ways to build new housing units, especially truly affordable ones, is imperative to Long Island's future. 
But Hochul made a critical error by adding legislation to the state budget that would usurp local village and town zoning authority in significant ways without, it seems, consulting leaders in the regions that would be most affected. 
Drawing the particular ire of local officials: A passage in Hochul's budget that would require all municipalities to allow "accessory dwelling units" on "all lots with an existing residential use." It's a very broad bill that would permit attached or detached apartments on any single-family home parcel, with little room for a town or village to add parameters based on zoning codes, lot sizes, water usage or other standards. 
While legalizing accessory apartments would help would-be landlords and renters alike, the proposed heavy-handed requirements, which would remove key aspects of local control and home rule, won't work on Long Island. Unsurprisingly, the measure appears to be a non-starter that instantly became another weapon in our ongoing political wars. 
Hochul did not line up support in advance. Many local advocates who have worked tirelessly on the slow slog to create more housing say they weren't aware it was coming until a State of the State news release and even then, didn't know details. No effort by the executive chamber to seek input, address roadblocks or develop a coalition of backers was evident. 
That's unfortunate, as was the over-the-top negative response from both Democrats and Republican leaders, with no attempt to find a middle ground. 
Now the proposal seems dead on arrival. That could drag down some of Hochul's other good proposals, on transit-oriented development and more. 
State officials have a blueprint for how to bring big ideas to fruition. They only had to look at the Long Island Rail Road's Third Track. A mix of community meetings and coalition-building and hand-holding and deal-making led to its approval. Now, it's almost finished. 
Hochul still can do this right. Consider a more positive approach, using incentives rather than overreaching requirements. Figure out where there's multifamily zoning as of right — and focus on those spots. Bring together advocates who know Long Island and want to support housing of all kinds. Talk to local elected officials and stay flexible. 
Developing new housing is a critical goal and the state must play a role. But everyone must find the right way forward — together.

Editorials

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Hochul's stumble on housing needs

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Lane Filler

Was Whoopi Goldberg really just suspended from her ABC talk show for two weeks for being confused about an issue so complex that even the people she was talking about don’t agree on the answer? 
She was, and that’s wrong, even though Goldberg was mistaken, too. 
Can we stop pillorying people for being mistaken about complex topics? 
Goldberg, one of the hosts of "The View," was involved in a conversation Monday about a Tennessee school board’s ban of the groundbreaking, Holocaust-driven graphic novel "Maus." During the exchange, she argued that the motivating force behind the Holocaust couldn’t have been "racism" because the Nazis and the Jews were both white. 
She was not spiteful or hateful or hurtful, just incorrect. The Holocaust, and the attempt to exterminate all Jews worldwide via Hitler’s "Final Solution," was entirely racial, because the Nazis saw Jews as a distinct and inferior race. It was not the Jews’ religious precepts the Germans denounced, but the traits and behaviors and appearance they ascribed to the Jewish "race." 
The Nazis also saw themselves, or "Aryans," as the "Master Race," better than others primarily because of superior genes. It was how they framed the world. 
But it’s not how race or Jews are generally seen now in the United States, except by anti-Semites, and it’s not a way of viewing Jews Goldberg would necessarily be familiar with. Today, murderous hatred of Jews has its own distinct name: antisemitism. 
And all of this is complicated now by the fact that we are increasingly told race is simply a construct. 
Goldberg’s mistake was compounded by her repetitive vehemence, her desire to pound home her point rather than listening to the objections. Afterward, she began to understand that and apologized on the internet, on Stephen Colbert’s show later Monday and on her own show Tuesday. 
Each apology was thoughtful, kind and sincere. Goldberg was reflective and open throughout a process of encountering criticism, accepting that she had hurt others, showing she’d corrected her misperception and promising to do better. 
There is nothing more we can ask of a person who has made an honest and seemingly innocent mistake. 
In today’s America, where Whoopi lives, the question of whether Judaism is a race or a religion is unanswerable. You could say it’s my race, because my gene test showed an uninterrupted multi-millennial immersion in the traditional Jewish gene pool and its geographic wanderings from the Middle East to Eastern Europe to the United States. 
But it’s not my wife’s race, because she was born Lutheran and converted to Judaism, and it only gets more complicated from there. 
If it’s a race for me and a religion for my wife, which is it for our daughter? Does she have to believe in Judaism and follow its rules to "be Jewish"? Can it ever be her race? And if it’s this confusing even for Jews today, why would Goldberg’s imperfect understanding of how it was perceived in Germany in 1938 be punished? 
People are saying this ought to be a learning opportunity, and that’s true, but the big lesson is not only about how Nazis saw the Jewish people. It’s about how we treat people who make innocent mistakes. 
We don’t have to excuse spite or hate or vindictiveness, but we must allow each other the space to be wrong, and learn. 
Goldberg needed, and deserved, both. 
Columnist Lane Filler’s opinions are his own.

OPFIL220203

Whoopi Goldberg was wrong, but she wasn't hateful

Filler: Whoopi was wrong, but not hateful

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<h2>Nixing redistricting plan an awful move </h2> 
Suffolk County Executive Steve Bellone’s deal on redistricting is self-serving and shameful ["Bellone vetoes redistricting map," News, Jan. 27]. 
The prior plan established a new Suffolk County Legislature district map, including four majority-minority districts for the first time. Although the legislature was majority Democrat and could have passed a gerrymandered monstrosity, it instead took the high road, submitting a map which split districts evenly based on the 2020 Census. Republicans tried to stop it but were struck down by the appellate court, which ruled that the redistricting process was conducted fairly. 
Now, Bellone has met behind closed doors with the Republican presiding officer, thwarting the communities who supported the new map. 
These two want to change the code in two days without input or oversight from the communities who continue to be harmed by being barred from a seat at the table. This new deal was made without input from Democratic minority leader Jason Richberg, the only Black legislator. 
What are we to conclude from this but that fair and equal representation isn’t a priority for Bellone or Republicans. Bellone’s seemingly disingenuous attempts to convince the constituency of the correctness of his path have shown his true character. 
— Garrett Petersen, East Islip 
Nowhere did I read that those objecting the most to the new redistricting plan can’t be part of a public committee in formulating the policy ["Criticism of redistrict veto," News, Jan. 28]. 
Once again, it shouldn’t be a Republican or Democratic political policy. It should involve those in the affected communities where redrawn lines will determine the voting patterns of the future, along with the public’s opinions, discussion and support in formulating these lines. 
— Frank Knight, Mastic 
<h2>NYPD cops living in city still a bad idea </h2> 
Mayor Eric Adams’ idea of a residency requirement for NYPD officers is nothing new ["Mayor: More cops need to live in city," News, Jan. 26]. In 1992, I wrote a letter to Newsday concerning this very issue. I thought the concept was a bad idea then, and it’s still a bad idea 30 years later. 
First, the reason for originally permitting the cops to live outside the city — the lack of adequate middle-income housing — has not changed over the years. 
Second, newly hired officers must now pay city income taxes at the higher resident rate regardless of where they live. 
Third, despite the new community policing concept, officers are still prohibited by the department from working in precincts where they reside. 
Last, and most important, the implication that suburban cops don’t care about Black and Latino neighborhoods where they work insults the memory of the scores of officers who have made the ultimate sacrifice. Just ask their 
families if their lost sons, daughters, husbands and fathers really cared. 
— John J. Tarpey Jr., Massapequa 
The writer is a retired NYPD lieutenant. 
  
There should be a residency law for teachers working in New York City as well as police officers. Growing up on Long Island and ultimately teaching in New York City is a challenge for many in relating to and understanding a different and diverse culture of values and beliefs. 
For some, teaching in the city is viewed as a training ground until teaching positions open in Nassau or Suffolk counties. 
— Phil Cicero, North Massapequa 
<h5></h5> 
<h2>Online gamblers can’t afford to lose money </h2> 
It seems that the proliferation of online gambling is like a regressive tax, or worse ["Don’t lose all your bets," Editorial, Jan. 14]. Wealthy people generally didn’t get that way by making investments that return much less than the investment, such as gambling does. People who aren’t wealthy seem to think that they may become rich by gambling, that somehow they will be the exception that gets a big payday. So, most gambling money likely comes from people who can’t afford it but hope to escape poverty. At least sales taxes generally affect people equally. 
Why don’t wealthy individuals or companies pay appropriate higher taxes? It is because they have the money for lobbyists and lawyers who can find loopholes. 
Why don’t our state lawmakers oppose these regressive gambling fiascos? Could it have something to do with the money it brings them? 
— Jerry Mintz, Roslyn Heights 
The writer is director of the Alternative Education Resource Organization.

OPLTR220201

Redistricting, NYPD residency, online gamblers

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Out toward the southeastern edge of Long Island, the Shinnecock Indian Nation is moving toward building a casino on its tribal land, with a Class II Indian gaming license that allows only bingo, slot machines and poker. 
Neighbors of the 900-acre Hamptons reservation oppose the casino. So does the town of Southampton, where the reservation sits, and nearby villages, and Suffolk County. That stretch of Montauk Highway is already pretty clogged. 
Strong opposition is not unusual for casinos. 
What’s unique here: Even the Shinnecocks don’t want it built. Not on their land, and not with anything less than a full-scale operation to include craps, roulette, blackjack and baccarat. 
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They argue, convincingly, that they deserve a full casino license. That’s what they began seeking even before the tribe’s three-decade quest for federal recognition came to fruition in 2010. 
This year may be their best chance to come up big. After a decade of former Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo refusing to move forward, Gov. Kathy Hochul is pushing to grant three downstate commercial casino licenses quickly. One of them would hugely help the 1,300 members of the Shinnecock Nation, about half of whom live on the reservation, contend with a past full of governmental disregard and a present stymied by poverty. 
<h3>STATE FLUSH WITH GAMING </h3> 
For 12 years the tribe has heard promises of help from politicians that turned into brush-offs. Meanwhile, New York has gone from having no casinos other than four Indian gaming facilities located hundreds of miles north of New York City to being awash in wagering action. 
There are already four new Las Vegas-style behemoths upstate. There are nine slot parlors, including Resorts World in Queens and Empire City in Yonkers, and the bustling Jake’s 58 in Islandia. 
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And there is the mobile sports betting that kicked off this month with such a strong reception that operators immediately began fantasizing about the same customers wagering as dice and cards skip across felt tables. 
Competition for the licenses is frantic, even with the fees for obtaining one potentially hitting $1 billion. A state request to gauge interest garnered 30 responses. And although the bidding is supposed to be wide-open, two operators have big advantages. 
Hochul’s need for speed, which she justifies as wanting revenue for the state by the time the sugar high of New York’s massive federal COVID-19 aid ends, is becoming justification for giving licenses to Genting’s Resorts World at Aqueduct Racetrack and MGM’s Empire City Casino at Yonkers Raceway. 
State Sen. Joseph Addabbo, of Ozone Park in Queens, chairs the Senate gaming committee and wants a full casino at Aqueduct. Assemb. Gary Pretlow, of Mount Vernon, chairs the Assembly gaming committee and wants one at Yonkers. What a coincidence. 
Both men support each others’ backyard bid, and say conference leaders are on board. And both men say their districts hold the key to speed: two sites so large, at facilities so prepared to expand, run by gaming companies so adept, that they could be offering full casino games in the time it takes to shuffle up and deal. 
<h3>WHO GETS THE THIRD? </h3> 
That presumption shouldn’t be a settled issue, but the expectation is that MGM and Genting, huge lobbying players, will get what they want. And the third license? There will be proposals for Manhattan and Brooklyn casinos, but resistance may be insurmountable. Rockland and Nassau counties are options, but Empire City is awfully close to Rockland, and Nassau couldn’t even site 1,000 slot machines when it tried several years ago. 
That leaves Suffolk and, the Shinnecocks hope, their chance. 
The tribe’s Class II facility is a threat more than a plan, but after years of delay the promises to put gambling on their own reservation will only be believed when people see them doing it. The tribe has never pressed its own case as aggressively and consistently as it needed to. 
But the Shinnecocks have made progress recently, getting more proactive with revenue streams, adding gas stations and huge electronic billboards. They’re also moving toward selling marijuana on their tribal land. 
The strongest card the Shinnecocks hold is a federal requirement that the state bargain with the tribe for a full Class III Indian casino in "good faith" if it does not grant them one of the three commercial licenses. The final arbiter of that is the National Indian Gaming Commission, and New York runs a risk that if the state won’t willingly license the Shinnecocks for a commercial location off the reservation and closer to the population density westward, the NIGC will force it to allow a full Class III casino on the reservation. 
The tribe has cooperative relationships with the Seminoles, Hard Rock Hotel and Casinos, and developer Tri-State Partners, but how those evolve depends on these licensing battles. 
And the tribe has talked to Suffolk OTB, which has made Jake’s 58 hugely profitable and is pursuing one of the three commercial licenses. 
But if the Shinnecocks want their full casino, they’ll have to fight for themselves, and others will have to fight for them. And politicians who have stalled and neglected the Shinnecocks have to start helping them.

VPCASINO220130

Rolling the dice on casino plans

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Burr family cemetery hangs on in middle of Commack parking lot

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Generational Trauma: A poem on race relations by Long Island H.S. freshman

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Westhampton Beach student: Why I sat during the Pledge of Allegiance

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Reader letters: NY's vaccine efforts are just chaotic

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Editorial: Biden's presidential call for unity

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Essay: I was a Long Island 'Polio Pioneer' in 1954

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What's the one word that captures your feelings heading into 2021?

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Matt Davies' cartoons of the year

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Housing Editorials

Opinion Rail Module

Hochul needs to work with Long Island leaders and offer incentives.

Gov must retool housing plan 

Parking lots at LIRR stations can be used to help meet the region's need.

Use MTA land to build more housing

The governor's housing plan hasn't evolved much.

Hochul budget has LI flaws

The region needs more housing but one size does not fit all.

Hochul must listen to LI

Map: Housing units on Long Island

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