Some Democrats find the union label unfashionable

In a year of deep deficits and tea party talk, the union label seems unfashionable for major-party politicians facing competitive races for state office.

Take the case of state Sen. Craig Johnson (D-Port Washington). Lately he and several colleagues drew fire and even threats of primaries from the state AFL-CIO and from the New York State United Teachers for backing charter-school expansions and other positions.

This prompts Johnson to say as he did Wednesday: "The bottom line is, I am pro-taxpayer. What's becoming clear is, if something that's good for special interests is bad for my constituents, I'm going to stand with taxpayers in my district."

He wasn't shy about underscoring other positions deemed irritants to union lobbyists: his support for a property-tax cap and praise for unionized teachers in Roslyn and Port Washington agreeing to a pay freeze. "I'm not worried," Johnson said. "I'm doing what I think is right."

First elected in 2007, to a seat long held by the GOP, ex-Nassau legislator Johnson has been nobody's idea of a wanton political risk-taker. The top of this year's Democratic ticket, likely gubernatorial candidate Andrew Cuomo, will become, if elected, the third consecutive Democratic governor to support a property tax cap. He'll also back charter expansion. He and allies clearly consider these stances mainstream among voters even if they've forged beneficial labor alliances over the years, as did leading Republicans.

To retain electoral power, many Democrats talk of a need to offset any resonant Republican messages on taxes and expenses. With their minimal majority, Senate Democrats remain secure within New York City, but face challenges upstate and in suburbs despite the long-term demographic changes that boosted their enrollments.

Jack Martins, the Mineola mayor opposing Johnson on the GOP line this year, has some incumbent-critical points of his own to make about the State Legislature's recent performance.

For one, he cites the vote to furlough state employees one day a week amid a delayed budget. "The real question," Martins says, "is if you can do the same thing with 20 percent less, why haven't you done so already? If you can't, why put people in potential danger and cut essential services? . . . The budget is still 50 days overdue and they still can't get out of their own way."

Working Families Party activists, meanwhile, seek to influence Democrats as surely as the tea partyers seek to drive Republicans. Naturally, the party's executive director, Dan Cantor, looks to offset the view that the route to Democratic successes leads through a more Republican approach.

"Standing up for working people is never out of fashion," Cantor said. "Democrats are ill-served when they try to mimic Republicans. And I absolutely believe that asking the wealthy to pay higher taxes so you can reduce taxes on other people as you close the deficit makes sense."

From across the political divide, and in another context, state Conservative Party chairman Michael Long noted this week how some elected Democrats became "born again" - once they faced the reality of having to balance an executive budget.

Health unions and teacher unions always rank high on lobbying-expense reports. But given the political climate, their clout will be limited.